Burned Over Bono:
U2’s Rock ‘n’ Roll Messiah and His Religious Politic

- Chad E. Seales, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

 printable version


Keeping the Fidelity in Stereo Catechesis: Opportunities and Dangers Inherent in Transmediation of the Gospel as Illustrated in Sister Act I and II
- Richard Olsen, University of North Carolina at Wilmington

 printable version


Then Sings My Soul”: Gospel Music as Popular Culture in the Spiritual lives of Kenyan Pentecostal/Charismatic Christians
- Damaris Seleina Parsitau, Egerton University

 printable version


“‘Who Do You Say That I Am?’”: Identity and Discipleship in The Last Supper and the Gospel of Mark”
-Holly Joan Toensing, Xavier University

 printable version


Redemption by Grace: 
A Rhetorical Analysis of Hoosiers

- Brant Short, Ph.D. and Dayle Hardy Short, Ph.D., Northern Arizona University

 printable version

on-line web based journal religion religious popular culture film fan culture comics comic books movie movies popular novels television tv radio journalism print media internet www art architecture new religious movements advertising pop music video games the Journal of Religion and Popular Culture webbased online book reviews beliefs values cultural theology

“‘Who Do You Say That I Am?’”: Identity and Discipleship in The Last Supper and the Gospel of Mark” [1]

Holly Joan Toensing
Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH

Abstract

Tomás Gutiérrez Alea’s film The Last Supper presents multiple characters as Christ-figures in events on an eighteenth-century Cuban sugar plantation in order to show the moral bankruptcy of Christianity’s images of the “dolorous Christ” and the “celestial monarch Christ.” Created no more than two decades after the Cuban revolution, the film fosters the revolutionary spirit for cultural decolonization and resistance to imperialist endeavors. For Christians who evoke Jesus as a model of discipleship, the film draws attention not only to the interpretive nature of discipleship, but also the importance of critically analyzing any image of Jesus for being life-giving or oppressive as a model.

[1] The film industry has produced more than a few portraits of Jesus. W. Barnes Tatum and Henry Ingram organize these Jesus movies into two categories, “Jesus-story films” and “Christ-figure films.”[2] “Jesus-story films” narrate the life and ministry of Jesus, usually within a first-century Palestinian setting (for example, the films The Gospel According to Matthew, The Last Temptation of Christ, or more recently, The Passion of the Christ). “Christ-figure films” tell a more contemporary story in which characters, events, and details resemble the gospel story of Jesus, often imitating his great suffering and sacrificial death (for example, the films Jesus of Montreal, Cool Hand Luke, or Shawshank Redemption).

[2] According to this classification, Tomás Gutiérrez Alea’s The Last Supper is an example of a “Christ-figure film.”[3] In an act of piety, the Count of Casa Bayona comes to his sugar plantation right before Holy Week in order to reenact the Last Supper. On Maundy Thursday he plays the role of Christ and twelve field slaves are chosen to play the part of his disciples. Tension increases between his desire for piety and his assumption that sugar production on the plantation will remain high. This tension comes to a head on the morning of Good Friday when, against the wishes of the Count as conveyed to the chosen “disciples”/slaves during the Last Supper, the overseer makes the slaves work. A rebellion ensues, resulting in the death of the overseer. Assuming that those who had feasted with him the night before took advantage of the message of freedom he had given them and led the rebellion, the Count orders the capture and death of those slaves. By Easter morning, his command has been carried out, with the exception of one slave who escapes to freedom.

[3] Tatum subdivides the “Christ-figure films” into those that offer an “explicit” Christ figure and those that offer an “implicit” Christ figure. An explicit Christ-figure directly identifies him/herself with Jesus or a dimension of Jesus. Implicit Christ-figures do not understand themselves to be acting out the Jesus story; the filmmaker uses certain images to evoke this identification.[4] Remarkably, both sub-types are found in The Last Supper. The Count takes on the role of Christ knowingly and he explicitly commands the slaves to imitate Jesus in order to manipulate them to accept their oppression, but over the course of the film other characters are presented as Christ-figures indirectly, that is, unbeknownst to themselves. Because it depicts multiple characters as Christ-figures rather than just one main character as is typical of “Christ-figure films,” The Last Supper is distinctive in its category, and this multiplicity highlights the interpretive nature of these figures.

[4] For Christians and for those who evoke Jesus as part of a living tradition that guides their behaviour today, the film also brings to the fore the nature of discipleship and the care that must be taken to identify systems of power that lurk behind contemporary faces of Jesus. The canonical gospels depict Jesus issuing a call for individuals to “follow” him. Interestingly, rather than assume that the disciples—especially the chosen twelve—know the full meaning and nature of discipleship at the time of their call and acceptance, the canonical gospels instead show how the disciples are often in need of correction or are teachable in this task. This model of following Jesus assumes that discipleship is not innate; it must be learned and developed. Early Christians had to interpret what “following Jesus/Christ” meant, and this inevitably resulted in multiple and competing interpretations. For example, when Paul writes to the Corinthians, “Imitate me as I imitate Christ” (1 Cor. 11:1), are we to assume that Paul was the only follower of Jesus who knew the Corinthians and made claims of aligning himself closely with Jesus? This is not likely. Paul was trying to convince the Corinthians of his version of Christ as their model for Christian behaviour.

[5] Over the centuries, guides became more elaborate and intentional in instructing others to conform their lives to that of Christ’s. Particularly influential in developing the Imitatio Christi movement were the books Imitation of Christ, ascribed to Thomas à Kempis of the 15th century and Spiritual Exercises, written by Ignatius of Loyola in the 16th century. More specifically, the Imitatio Christi movements of Latin America under the influence of Spanish Catholicism often projected images of the “dolorous and defeated Christ” and the “celestial-monarch Christ.” The body of the dead or dying “dolorous Christ,” graphically depicted in torturous agony from the blows of his oppressors, presents an image “calculated to impel a human being to search out happiness in suffering.”[5] Concurrently, Christ as the “celestial-monarch” transferred his eternal authority over all things to earthly representatives, in whom he is manifested and revealed—monarchs, colonial officials, landowners, or landlords.[6] For subjugated peoples, the function of these two faces, combined, was clear: One should develop a Christ-like attitude in patiently enduring the brutality by those who have Christ-like power and authority over you. These are the very images of Christ that Gutiérrez Alea’s film criticizes.

[6] Stern, Jefford, and Debona pointedly remark that “Jesus films” do not add much to our knowledge of the historical Jesus, but are cultural responses to a prevalent image of Jesus likely found in a harmonization of the Gospels. [7] Given this observation, they propose three lenses with which to analyze “Jesus films,” two of which I use explicitly in this article to analyze Gutiérrez Alea’s film The Last Supper.[8] First, I inquire into the producer of the film and the time in which the film was created in order to gain insight into Cuban society and its film industry by the mid-70s. This investigation helps readers to understand the historical context of the film that shaped its critique of Christianity’s “dolorous” and “celestial monarch” Christ-figures. Specifically, I highlight Cuba’s continuing efforts of cultural decolonization and active resistance to imperialist forays.

[7] Second, numerous details in the film resemble the Gospel record of Jesus’ life, thereby justifying an analysis of the film in terms of that Gospel record. It may seem odd to some to use a Gospel text to analyze a film that so thoroughly critiques Christianity. However, it must be remembered that the Gospels have been used not only to develop but also to critique various christologies that have emerged in the history of systematic theology. This does not deny that the Gospels themselves are interpretations of Jesus’ life; it recognizes and acknowledges the foundational nature of these documents. Because the Gospel of Mark emphasizes suffering, I believe it has a natural affinity for dialogue with the film’s critique of the “dolorous Christ” and the “celestial Christ,” even though Gutiérrez Alea did not likely have this particular Gospel in mind when he created the film. I recognize that this step imposes a (not the) standard against which the Christ-figures of the film can be measured. However, and as I will demonstrate in the article, the fact that no one in the film meets the standard of Mark’s Christ does not mean that the film is “wrong” in its conceptualization. In fact, this observation reinforces the film’s critique of the images of Christ that colonial Christianity developed to maintain its power and foster its imperialist endeavors. Nevertheless, the film’s thorough critique of these images for a 20th century Cuban audience exposes the tenacity of these oppressive images and warns generations of viewers to be alert to various permutations of these images throughout history.

The Film Industry in Cuba after the 1959 Revolution

[8] The Cuban film industry worked closely with the new government under Castro to forge a country under communist ideals against imperialism and, in time, against its own growing bureaucratization. In fact, the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Arts and Industry (ICAIC) was created within a few months of the successful revolution in 1959 in order to continue cultural liberation and to reinforce revolutionary ideals.[9] Before the revolution, Hollywood films were a significant and staple import in Cuba. After the revolution, Cuba imported films from the Soviet Union instead or produced its own films through the ICAIC.[10] First and foremost, the ICAIC produced documentaries that gave instruction about practical matters in a post-revolution era, recorded principal mass mobilizations, and informed the public about the revolutionary process and Cuba’s social and cultural history.[11] Wanting to acknowledge the key role black Africans played in the Cuban revolution, some of ICAIC’s film directors depicted the revolutionary spirit extending back to 18th-century African slave resistance to French and Spanish colonization. The Last Supper provides windows into African mythology and storytelling that ground the slaves’ ambivalence toward the Christian messages preached to them and, eventually, their open rebellion to oppressive conditions on the plantation.

[9] Within a decade of the successful revolution, however, Cuba began feeling the pressures of keeping the revolutionary spirit alive over against its own increased bureaucratization. The ICAIC tried to hold the revolutionary edge by resisting the stereotypical, formulaic standards. Hollywood films—the old standard—were now seen to be too slick and smooth, too formulaic for a country trying to consolidate revolutionary ideals against aggressive economic and political interference provoked mostly by the United States.[12] This desire for cultural decolonization perhaps can be seen best in the Cuban film industry’s move toward the “imperfect cinema” by the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s. Commenting on García Espinosa’s essay “Por uncine imperfecto” [‘For an Imperfect Cinema], Michael Chanan writes, “If a film becomes too perfect—beautifully controlled surface—it lulls the audience into passive consumption. An authentically modern cinema makes a film that remains incomplete unless the actively responsive audience takes it up.”[13] Cuban film producers of this era wanted audiences to stay alert, never resting comfortably on formulaic expectations. Standardized by a rich diet of Hollywood films before the revolution, even the idea of the hero as a universal and infallible example, was set on edge and brought under scrutiny.[14] The Last Supper, in presenting multiple characters as Jesus figures, reveals film trends of the day to encourage alert, critical viewing and a commitment to active resistance against oppression. Viewers must figure out for themselves who—if anyone—is really Christ-like or reject the depicted representations altogether. The interesting parallel here is that the question of Jesus’ identity is at the root of Mark’s gospel as well.

 

Jesus’ Identity and Discipleship in Mark’s Gospel

[10] Time and again in Mark’s gospel the very people who one would expect to know Jesus best—his family, people from his hometown, even his twelve disciples—are depicted as being those who most misunderstand him.[15] The question of Jesus’ identity intensifies in 8:27-38 when Jesus explicitly asks his disciples, “Who do people say that I am?” The various responses reveal the profuse confusion about his identity—“John the Baptist”, “Elijah”, “one of the prophets.” Jesus next presses his disciples, “but who do you say that I am?” Peter provides the right answer—“you are the Messiah.” Here, and then repeating the point in at least two subsequent exchanges with his disciples, Jesus connects his mission and his disciples’ mission with suffering; their ministry will surely carry them to be scourged and killed as outcasts and criminals. Each time, though, the disciples are portrayed as forgetting about or countering the images of humiliation that Jesus presents to them: Peter rebukes Jesus for making such a connection (8:33), the twelve argue with one another about who is the greatest (9:34) and James and John ask Jesus to grant them to sit on his right and left hands in the assumed Messianic glory (10:35). Theirs is the conventional perception that the Messiah is one who will establish God’s rule by military or priestly honor, power, might, and glory.[16]

[11] Yet Mark shows Jesus attempting to change that image. In 8:35 Jesus states, “those who lose their life for my sake, and for the sake of the gospel will save it.” In 9:35 he says, “whoever wants to be first must be last of all and servant of all.” Finally, in 10:42-45, Jesus declares, “You know that among the Gentiles those whom they recognize as their rulers lord it over them, and their great ones are tyrants over them. But it is not so among you; but whoever wishes to become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wishes to be first among you must be slave of all. For the Son of Man came not to be served but to serve, and to give his life a ransom for many.” These verses stand as correctives to the disciples’ notions of glory, power, and prestige associated with the Messiah and with discipleship. The mission entrusted to Jesus and to the disciples is one of humility that works for the liberation of others, and it will likely, if not necessarily bring them into life-threatening conflict with conventional society. So prominent is this suffering theme that Mark is commonly known to scholars of the Christian bible as being a long passion narrative with a little introduction. Just halfway through the gospel, Jesus already begins “the way” to Jerusalem. Suffering is not, however, a goal in and of itself;[17] nor is it to be welcomed as edifying; it is not God’s way of morally shaping a person.

[12] The significance of Jesus giving his life as a “ransom for many” is in its connection not to sin sacrifice but to slavery. A ransom was the price required to redeem captives or to purchase freedom for indentured servants. At the root of Jesus’ ministry, Mark claims, is a dedication above all else to confront, without thought of one’s own benefit or regardless of risk to oneself, all those powers and conventions in the world that oppress or keep people from freedom or from being whole. Religion is not without impunity, for Mark indicates that certain human traditions that had become oppressive were cloaked deceptively as God ordained (Mark 7:7-8; 13:22-23).[18] We must be alert to oppressive underpinnings of how people evoke Christ’s name and imitate him.

The Count as “Christ”

[13] Of all the characters in Gutiérrez Alea’s The Last Supper, the Count reflects Christ in the most conscious or obvious way, dramatizing Christ in a reenactment of the Last Supper. For the Count and those of his class, to imitate Christ is an act of humility as a form of piety encouraged by the Church during Holy Week. Upon the Count’s arrival at the plantation, the local priest complains to him that the overseer, Don Manuel, did not allow the slaves to attend Palm Sunday church services.[19] The Count is troubled by this news, saying, “Holy Week must be respected. God must be obeyed.” Yet just as temporary as the festival week is itself, the Count puts on and takes off this humility as easily as his topcoat.

[14] Perhaps echoing the increased tension and anxiety that Jesus is presumed to have felt in the Garden of Gethsemane as the Passover festival drew near (Mark 14:32-41), the Count confides to the priest, “I can find no peace. I live in constant uneasiness. Even by day I walk lost in a maze of darkness. Where can I find a way out?” At this precise moment, the Count holds out his arms to the sides, mirroring the crucifix on the wall in front of him. The priest responds, “In Christ, only in Christ.” The camera pans back, however, to show the mundane meaning of the Count’s gesture: it is a cue for his personal house slave to finish dressing him by helping him into his vest. From the film’s beginning, then, the Count’s sincerity is questioned, for in “putting on Christ,” the Count has kept the master’s clothes on, in stark contrast to the bloodied, barely-clad Jesus of the crucifix on the wall.

[15] The process by which the Count selects slaves to play the role of the disciples in his reenactment also reveals the feigned humility of his piety. On Maundy Thursday, when the Count orders his personal slave to give the overseer the message to assemble all the slaves in the courtyard, his slave asks, “Me too? Do you want me to assemble, too?” The Count says, “No, you are my slave, my servant,” conveying that the slave’s higher status exempts him from having to assemble with the lowly field slaves. This response gives the impression that the task to be announced is degrading. However, viewers learn that the slaves are assembled for the purpose of selecting from among them those who will play the part of the disciples. Later, during the reenactment, the Count’s humbling action of eating with his field slaves is poignantly juxtaposed by the camera’s view of his personal slave in the shadowy background, ever ready to attend to the Count’s wishes and needs. The Count’s humility does not extend to his personal slave; this slave is too necessary to maintain the master’s true power and domination during his apparent humiliation.

[16] After being cleaned up, or “purified,” the “disciples”/slaves are brought to the plantation’s chapel for a religious service. During the service, the Count humbles himself by washing his “disciples”/slaves feet.[20] However, this action is performed only half-heartedly, with minimal contact. To complete the action each time, he barely touches his lips to their feet and quickly wipes his mouth with a cloth, nauseated by the poor condition of the feet from work in the sugar cane fields or from attempted escapes. Thus, though the Count displays some semblance of humility, his approach betrays his true intention of maintaining firm boundaries between master and slave.

[17] The reenacted Last Supper in the evening of Maundy Thursday is a feast overflowing with culinary delights and wine, the perfect ambiance, the Count believes, to teach the slaves certain Christian messages. He sets the context before the dinner begins: “All this is for you. This isn’t a day like any other. It is a special day because in God’s book on a day like this Christ called in his friends, his disciples who were his slaves to take leave of them. Christ was going to die.” Genuinely confused about the nature of the reenactment, one slave interrupts, “is Master going to die?” Although visibly pleased and amused with the slave’s confusion, the Count clarifies: “No. I’m talking about Christ. Christ was going to heaven.” Even though the Count does not claim to be Christ, he sees himself as attempting to imitate him, at least for the duration of Holy Week.

[18] To explain the reason for Jesus’ death, the Count continues, “someone had to be sacrificed for all suffering mankind; a lamb was needed, someone to take God’s punishment without protest, in silence. Somebody had to pay for all the evil done by men.” The Count believes that he suffers in ways similar to Christ. When the Count demands during the supper that the recently captured escapee, Sebastian, answer, “Who am I?”—a clear echo of Jesus’ question put to the disciples in Mark’s gospel, “Who do you say that I am?” (Mark 8:29)—Sebastian refuses to answer and, in fact, spits in the Count’s face. This act ordinarily would have meant certain death for the slave, and for a visibly tense moment, the Count prevents himself from retaliating. Yet in dramatizing Christ in the reenacted Last Supper, the Count considers this derision the kind of evil Christ experienced and accepted at the hands of his enemies and even one of his own, Judas; thus, he accepted it too. However, later, after he believes he has fulfilled the obligations of Holy Week, the Count mercilessly retaliates against a confrontation that he perceives as threatening to the workings of the plantation.

[19] During the reenacted Last Supper, the Count also portrays himself as imitating Christ’s love and compassion. As the evening progresses, and with the influence of abundant food, wine, and story-telling, the Count increasingly feels emotionally and spiritually close to his ‘disciples’/slaves. At one point the Count sides with them against the cruelty of the overseer. Later, he compassionately frees one of the chosen—an elderly slave who has only one year of indentured service left. Yet, as we shall see in the remaining sections of this paper, these Christ-like actions are as temporary as the feast on the table.

[20] This superficial, or temporary, sincerity is illustrated in the events that follow the reenactment. While the Count is willing, during the reenactment, to see his “disciples”/slaves as reasoning human beings, he believes the slaves’ revolt betrays their true, bestial identities, beyond human consideration and compassion. The uprising leaves in its wake the deaths of the overseer, his wife, and several slaves. But when the priest lays out all the bodies of the dead in the chapel for services, the Count is enraged and demands an explanation. The priest states, “In death we are all one.” Yet the Count will have none of it. He states, “they’ve spent their life devouring one another and now that they’ve found our flesh is better, they want to devour us.” He demands the capture of the twelve slaves who had dined with him the previous evening, believing them to have instigated the rebellion. “Show them no mercy. I want them dead, as examples. I just want their heads.” To the Count, the slaves are mere cannibals, not deserving of Christian burial.[21] He literally wishes to dismember them from the human race.

[21] All but one of the chosen “disciples”/slaves are captured and killed by Easter morning. To the remaining slaves, who he gathers on the plantation’s hilltop, the Count sermonizes about the events of the past days. “Believing I was obeying God’s commandments, I saw them [the twelve chosen slaves] and took pity on them. I humbled myself, and seated them at the Lord’s table, but they were never satisfied and kept asking for more.” Insatiable for what? The Count’s sermon implies an association of the Lord’s table with power. Indeed, during the reenactment, the Count had asked the slave seated next to him, “Do you like sitting at the Master’s right?” echoing James and John’s association of that position with power (Mark 10:37). The slave unselfconsciously shrugged and replied simply, “there was no other place left.” A quest for power is not what drove the seating at the supper or the rebellion, yet the Count is unable to imagine what else it could be. Interpreting the events of the rebellion, the Count states, “Then God, chastising me with all His strength, made me understand that my heart was ensnared in the dark thickets.” According to the Count, the rebellion was God’s punishment for believing that humility is required and that slaves are human beings capable of understanding and accepting the Christian message. He now feels led to believe that in actuality, the slaves are ravenous animals, in need of domination for the plantation to be successful.[22] “I shall have no peace until my abode is raised anew and the temple cleansed of those who traded with my heart and the whole mill arises from its ashes into plenty.” The church that the Count will build on the plantation will be a symbol of “Christian triumph over bestiality and savagery.”

[22] The Count may piously “put on” a recognizable image of Christ, but the film exposes its roots in power and oppression, clearly challenging the “celestial-monarch Christ.” Put along side of characters in Mark’s gospel, the Count betrays his alignment more with the disciples’ expectations of a militaristic, kingly Messiah (and therefore their own honor and glory) than with Jesus’ suffering to end oppression and bring wholeness. The film exposes the Count’s interest above all in the success of his plantation and therefore in the oppressive structures of slavery. Though he portrays himself as “suffering” and humiliates himself in washing the feet of and eating with those less powerful than he, as soon as the Count feels he has completed his obligation of piety, he is back to the business of the plantation, wanting blissfully not to know the details of its cruelties. Ultimately, he perpetuates and escalates cycles of violence rather than interrupting them, refusing to pay them back.[23] The Count’s piety is superficial, not life-transformative.

The Priest as “Christ”

[23] Institutionally, priests have long been understood to have a privileged relationship with the resurrected Christ. In complex ways, church doctrine understands the priesthood to continue Christ’s presence here on earth, so it is worth investigating how the priest of Alea’s film fulfills this role.[24] The film portrays the priest as having the potential and capability to confront the system of slavery on the plantation; however, this issue pales in comparison to his concern with the church’s holy days and with promoting slave obedience. On the one hand, he alone seems to have the power to bend the ear of the Count in order to report the abuse of slaves on the plantation with the hopes of changing their situation. Twice during the film the priest approaches the Count and asks for compassion in the case of the slaves. Before one of these occasions, he even attempts—albeit unsuccessfully—to intervene directly to stop the ringing bell calling the slaves to work on a day that was to have been their day off. In this way, he appears to be the voice of the slaves under the weight of an oppressive system, even if it means putting himself at risk to a certain extent. At some level, then, the priest’s actions recall the portrait of Jesus in Mark’s gospel in that he understands that following Christ may bring one into conflict with social conventions and authorities of the period.

[24] On the other hand, the film exposes that this compassion and confrontation is motivated not by some Christian principle of justice or freedom, but by the concern about what is appropriate for the holy days of the Church. Accordingly, the impression Alea gives is that the cruelties are “too much for [the slaves] to bear” in some strange way on these days and not on all the other days of the crop season, let alone the rest of the year. [25] Like the Count, the priest conveys that compassion and humility are to be reserved for “special,” purifying times of the year, not everyday behaviours of those in power. The normal, everyday behaviours are linked to prescribed roles, believed to be set forth by God: slaves must respect and obey the commands of the master and overseer, and those in command must punish those who do not obey. Here, again, the “celestial-monarch Christ” rears its ugly head: human authorities represent Christ and are to be obeyed as one would obey him. The priest assures the slaves that their obedience will lead, after death, to sitting at God’s table in heaven where there are no social divisions but harmony and plentitude. Clearly for Alea, religion has become the handmaiden of oppressive structures, just as Jesus claims in Mark’s gospel (7:6-8).[26] In contrast, Mark’s Jesus announces, “The Kingdom has come near” (1:15) and does not delay in bringing release or freedom to those who need it in this world, this life.

Don Manuel, the Overseer, as “Christ”

[25] The head overseer of the slaves, Don Manuel, is depicted in the film as increasingly at odds with the Christian message preached on the Count’s sugar plantation. Hence, how Don Manuel’s life comes to be seen as Christ-like is more complex and is not something that the overseer, himself, consciously assumes. The priest of the plantation complains that the overseer has spent too much time drinking, gambling, and having sex with the slave women when he should be in the chapel. As a result, according to the priest, Don Manuel has become overly abusive towards the slaves and has not respected the holy days of the church. The Count agrees in principle with the priest, but brushes off any sense of obligation to intervene in the business of the overseer, which is to make sure the plantation meets its sugar production goals.[27] Don Manuel, himself, feels the tension increase and it causes him anxiety. He knows all too well his precarious position at the plantation, especially at the height of crop season, with the high demand for product. He admits to another, “When the sugar production is slowed, I will be first to be blamed for not working the slaves hard enough.”

[26] The drunken Count directly undermines the overseer’s position and authority later in the film during the emotional intensity of the reenacted Last Supper. When one of the slaves relays that the priest has told the slaves that the overseer is Christ—no doubt to be understood as the celestial-monarch to be obeyed—the Count responds, “Don Manuel can never be Christ. … He is a great sinner because he flogs you and steals from me.” The Count finds the overseer’s behaviour so reprehensible that he even tells the “disciples”/slaves that Don Manuel will be excluded from paradise since that is meant only for Christ and his followers.

[27] Yet, as we saw in the previous section, the piety that allows the Count temporarily to side with the slaves against Don Manuel passes after he feels he has performed his obligation to the church by humbling himself in the reenacted Last Supper. When the priest reports that the overseer has made the slaves get up and work on Good Friday against the Count’s wishes, the Count reverts back to his earlier position of noninterference. The overseer’s sins, to the Count, become “necessary sins,” better not to be known. More telling, only when the Count finds out that the slaves have rebelled and taken the overseer hostage until they get justice, does the Count race back to try to retake the plantation and defend the overseer. “Justice?! We’ll show them justice!” En route and from a distance, they shoot the slaves coming to meet with the Count, unaware that these slaves themselves have staved off the uprising because they convinced the others to see the Count as a kind, reasonable man who will listen to their grievances and negotiate with them. Instantaneously, this sparks a full-blown rebellion at the plantation that the Count and his armed battalion, arriving too late, cannot prevent. The plantation is on fire and Don Manuel has been killed. What the Count sees in the manner of his overseer’s death, with arms spread out in the stocks like a crucifix, is a Christ-like figure. The Count makes the allusion explicit by asking the priest, “At what hour did Christ die?” The priest replies, “At this very hour.” At the film’s end, the Count announces that he will erect a Church in the overseer’s name, implying that Don Manuel’s sacrifice of his life is the epitome of what the church stands for.

[28] The Count’s explicit association of the overseer with Christ is one of the more jarring scenes of the film since earlier the Count had emphatically asserted to the slaves during the Last Supper reenactment that Don Manuel “could never be Christ” and would never gain heaven because of his horrific abusing and thieving ways. Don Manuel is indeed caught, “scourged,” and killed, as was Jesus in Mark’s gospel, but not by the dominating powers of society and not because he stood up to the plantation’s oppressive ways. Don Manuel was the plantation’s instrument of oppression and he was killed by the powerless of society. Neither his life nor his death freed anyone from slavery; a new overseer was simply installed. Whereas at one time the Count apparently saw his own pious self-humiliation as imitating Christ’s self-sacrifice, he now believes Don Manuel to be that lamb “needed … to take God’s punishment without protest”—the “dolorous Christ.” The Count sees the overseer as the necessary scapegoat in the spiritual war between Christianity and the evils of African bestiality; that is why the Count names the Church after him. However, the film drives home the point that the Count refuses to confront seriously, that is, that the evil resides in the system of slavery and that Don Manuel is a “dolorous Christ” sacrificed for the sins of the Count, for it is the Count’s greed that fuels the sugar production, the plantation, and its slavery.[28]

Gaspar Duclé as “Christ”

[29] Gaspar Dulcé is the master sugar maker on the plantation and how he imitates Christ is perhaps the least explicit of all representations. Viewers see that Monsieur Dulcé helps one slave, Sebastian, escape perhaps by hiding him out in his building after the slave revolt begins, but at least by not informing the headhunters of Sebastian’s presence in the building when they come to question Monsieur Duclé.[29] Perhaps unsure if his life is in danger, Monsieur Duclé is momentarily surprised by Sebastian’s presence in one of his back rooms. Yet, when the headhunters knock on his front door, Monsieur Duclé motions for Sebastian to step back into the darkness so that he could shut that door and feign worry about the efforts to quell the revolt. In fact, when questioned why his building was not set fire, Monsieur Duclé deflects the question by remarking that the church was not touched either. By preventing Sebastian from being caught, Monsieur Dulcé could be seen as resembling the Jesus of Mark’s gospel, for in taking risks to his own career and life, he helps Sebastian escape the oppressive plantation.

[30] However, Monsieur Dulcé’s motivation is not the principle of freedom or a direct confrontation of an oppressive system as portrayed in Mark’s gospel. He simply wants to save his own skin. When the Count announces that he wants to buy the newest sugar press on the market, Monsieur Dulcé sees the beginning of an imbalance of power as more slaves will be needed to cut the cane necessary to keep up with the new press. “I don’t want to see my head used by the blacks as a football,” he states, recalling what had happened in the slave revolt at Santo Domingo when the number of blacks eventually outnumbered the whites and mulattos: “in the end, there were only blacks.” Hence, he secretly helps the strongest, most powerful slave, and in return, neither Monsieur Dulcé nor his building is harmed in the revolt. If anything, his actions resemble more the actions of the disciples in Mark rather than of Christ, for after Jesus is arrested the disciples scatter, if they do not actually deny any association with him to avoid their own arrest (14:50, 66-72).

The Slaves as “Christ”

[31] While he plays the part of Christ in the reenactment of the Last Supper, the Count demands that the chosen “disciples”/slaves become Christ-like themselves. After feasting and drinking, the general level of joviality peaks and one of them, an elderly slave, asks for his freedom with only one year of service left of being indentured. The Count, feeling magnanimous, grants his wish. Initially elated, as are the others, the slave shuffles off to leave, but stops in the threshold of the door and begins to cry when he realizes he has nowhere to go. The Count uses the slave’s unhappiness as an opportunity to tell a story that links happiness not with freedom, but with suffering. He preaches the “dolorous Christ,” asserting that perfect happiness lies with conquering oneself, submitting to one’s destiny, and suffering cruelty patiently and with joy, thinking of Christ’s sufferings.[30] Just as the Count’s portrayal of Christ justified colonial and imperial power, the Christ he demands his slaves to emulate encourages passive acceptance of imperialist exploitation.

[32] The slave who most needs to learn this lesson, the Count believes, is Sebastian. Sebastian is the slave who most desires freedom, who most resists attempts to constrain him. When the film begins, a search party has been initiated to trail yet another of his escapes and again, he is tracked down by the dogs. The overseer remarks that there is something special about Sebastian because his spirit has not been broken by the typical punishments meted out after each attempted escape. Indeed, after getting caught this time, one of his ears is cut off, but instead of bowing into subjugation, Sebastian looks for the next way to attempt an escape. Most of the slaves see through the message the Count gives at the Last Supper, but Sebastian actively resists it, drawing on African storytelling and ritual, willing even to die in the pursuit of freedom.

[33] In order to quell the revolt, the Count orders the capture and beheading of all the “disciples”/slaves who dined with him the previous night. They are to be used as examples of what will happen to those who, he assumes, take advantage of his Christian message of power and freedom. By Easter Sunday morning, all the chosen “disciples”/slaves have been caught and killed, except for one. In the last few minutes of the film, when the Count announces that he will build a church in the name of Don Manuel, the camera pans out to reveal a hilltop scene likened to Golgotha. Twelve tall stakes are positioned like crucifixes, with the heads of the captured slaves impaled on the tops. The film never portrays Sebastian as a Christian, yet paradoxically, it is Sebastian’s “cross” that remains empty, and his escape alone carries the hope of success, of new life.

[34] In general, the African slaves resemble Mark’s Christ not when they passively endure but when they actively resist their oppression and perform acts that may help to free others even if it might bring their own deaths. [31] Sebastian seems to embody most clearly the freedom that Mark’s Christ lives and dies for. As one of two slaves who spring an attack on Don Manuel and place him in the stockades, we can view Sebastian as participant in an act that places his own life at risk to help liberate others. But ultimately, it is Sebastian’s desire for his own freedom, not that of others, that drives him. Even this drive is mixed with a desire for revenge, for before he escapes, he kills Don Manuel in the stockades with a machete. Violence is paid back with violence. Viewers are not given a chance to see what might have been had not Don Manuel been killed. What we witness is Don Manuel’s murder, which prompts the Count’s escalation of violence in revenge under a new overseer, ending finally in the cruel and horrendous deaths of Sebastian’s fellow slaves.

Conclusion

[35] Mark’s Christ, who confounds his followers’ assumptions about his identity and purpose, is only one interpretation applied in this article to Tomás Gutiérrez Alea’s film, The Last Supper. An interesting discussion could evolve if the film were analyzed using the gospel of John’s portrait of Jesus instead of that of Mark. Musa W. Dube has argued that the gospel of John portrays Jesus with such a high Christology that it easily supports colonial ideology of domination. [32] Alternatively, one could examine the Christ-figures of the film through the lens of the Christ of black theology. At the very least, through these resources one could explore more fully the possibilities for a shift from the suffering Christ as a model that keeps the system of oppression intact (as the Count expounds upon in the film) to the suffering Christ as a model for resistance to systems of oppression. Such analysis would offer a historical view of how Africans who converted to Christianity have adopted and changed the very models that once oppressed them.

[36] A cultural studies approach to texts “looks upon all interpretive models, retrievals of meaning from texts, and reconstructions of history as constructs—formulated and advanced by positioned readers, flesh-and-blood persons reading and interpreting from different and highly complex social locations.”[33] This is true of the “text” of Tomás Gutiérrez Alea’s film, The Last Supper, as much as it is of the text of Mark’s gospel. The dialogue between the film and the gospel may be said to represent interwoven moebius strips, each retrieving pieces of the past while recording the present and pressing audiences to participate actively in creating the future, all in a continuous process of critique and interpretation. In 1970s Cuba, working to keep alive the revolutionary spirit over and against foreign political pressures especially by the United States, the film reaches back into Cuban history to recuperate the power of African culture and religion to resist systems of colonial domination. In doing so, this film also reaches further back to recall the events of Jesus’ life as portrayed in the Gospels in order to critique models of discipleship—the “dolorous Christ” and the “celestial-monarch Christ”—that perpetuated imperialist oppressions. The complex interactions of history and of the question of Jesus’ identity that arise when The Last Supper and the Gospel of Mark are placed side by side echo what David Jasper states about narratives that “comprise a living tradition”: from them “we learn the conditions of truth, and as narratives are tested against our ongoing, historical experience, so they are challenged and renewed within the context of each new generation of readers.” [34] Jesus’ question of “Who do you say that I am?” must be answered anew by those individuals and groups searching for better ways to live the gospel into the present, attentive to challenges leveled by the past.

Notes

[1]The Last Supper (Cuba: Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Arts and Industry, 1976). I would like to thank my former colleague, Dr. Georgia Frank of Colgate University, for introducing this film to me and for posing the initial inquiry.

[2] W. Barnes Tatum, Jesus at the Movies: A Guide to the First Hundred Years (Santa Rosa, CA: Polebridge Press, 1997), vii.

[3] Alea based his film on an anecdote, found in the work of one of Cuba’s eminent historians, about a slaveholder who reenacted in 1790 Jesus’ act of washing his disciples’ feet. John Mraz, “Recasting Cuban Slavery: The Other Francisco and The Last Supper,” in Based on a True Story: Latin American History at the Movies, ed. Donald F. Stevens, 112 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1997).

[4] Tatum, Jesus, 210-12.

[5] Saúl Trinidad, “Christology, Conquista, Colonization,” in Faces of Christ: Latin American Christologies, ed. José Míguez Bonino (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Press, 1984 English trans.), 50.

[6] Georges Casalis, “Jesus—Neither Abject Lord Nor Heavenly Monarch,” in Faces of Christ: Latin American Christologies, ed. José Míguez Bonino (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Press, 1984, English trans.), 74.

[7] Richard C. Stern, Clayton N. Jefford, and Guerric Debona, Savior on the Silver Screen (New York and Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1999), 11-12.

[8] Stern, Jefford, and Debona, Savior, 14-22.

[9] John King, Magical Reels: A History of Cinema in Latin America, new ed. (New York and London: Verso, 2000), 147-48.

[10] The Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Arts and Industry’s documentary output increased from 4 in 1959 to 40 by 1965; Michael Chanan, Cuban Cinema, Cultural Studies of the Americas, 14 (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 203.

[11] Chanan, Cuban Cinema, 129.

[12] King, Magical Reels, 155-6.

[13] Chanan, Cuban Cinema, 305.

[14] Chanan, Cuban Cinema, 247-9.

[15] See Mark 3:19b-35 regarding Jesus’ family, Mark 6:1-6a regarding his hometown people.

[16] The confrontational nature of Jesus’ ministry is recognizably similar to messianic resistance movements of Jesus’ time. See the brief summary of the known movements in Robert R. Meyers, Nonviolent Story: Narrative Conflict Resolution in the Gospel of Mark (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1995), 97-98.

[17] David Rhoades, Joanna Dewey and Donald Michie, Mark as Story: An Introduction to the Narrative of a Gospel, 2d ed. (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1999), 113.

[18] Lydia Neufeld Harder, Obedience, Suspicion and the Gospel of Mark: A Mennonite-Feminist Exploration of Biblical Authority, Studies in Women and Religion, ed. Pamela Dickey Young, no. 5 (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1998).

[19] White owners of Cuban tobacco or coffee plantations lived on the plantations and worked alongside of the slaves in the field during harvest time. Not so on sugar plantations. These owners often lived in cities and only visited the plantation to survey its progress, not to help with the work of the harvest. Franklin W. Knight, Slave Society in Cuba during the Nineteenth Century (Madison, Milwaukee, and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1970), 64.

[20] Mark’s gospel does not include this foot-washing scene; it is unique to John’s gospel. However, because the film depicts the Count reenacting this scene as an act of humility, I believe that it can be discussed in relation to Mark’s emphasis on humbling oneself.

[21] Regarding one’s slaves as beasts was seen by the Spanish colonizers to be something that the French colonizers did; Spanish colonizers thought of their slaves as men. However, as Matt Childs points out, the extreme physical labor and 20- to 24-hour work days of the slaves at harvest time in sugar production rendered such distinctions negligible: the Spanish were just as cruel as the French. Matt D. Childs, “‘A Black French General Arrived to Conquer the Island:’ Images of the Haitian Revolution in Cuba’s 1812 Aponte Rebellion,” in The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. David P. Geggus, The Carolina Lowcountry and the Atlantic World, eds. Jack P. Greene, Rosemary Brana-Shute, and S. Max Edelson (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina, 2001), 141. Katie Geneva Cannon discusses how the claim that black people were not members of the human race was one of the myths of white Christian apologists of slave ideology (“Slave Ideology and Biblical Interpretation,” Semeia 47 [1989]: 11-13).

[22] That slavers had God’s approval in enslaving Africans in order to free them of their savage, heathen ways and make them better servants of God and people was another myth of white Christian apologists of slave ideology discussed by Cannon, “Slave Ideology,” 13-15.

[23] Meyers, Nonviolent Story, 102.

[24] Edward P. Hahnenberg points out that during the medieval period, the priest was understood to be acting in the person of Christ (in persona Christi) at certain times in his ministry, in other words that Christ acts through the ordained minister in certain words or actions. However, with a change toward personal interiorization and spiritual identification with Christ beginning in the seventeenth century and influential throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the priest came to be understood as “becoming another Christ”—imitating him—in a way that ordinary Christians could not (in Ministries: A Relational Approach [New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 2003], 42-47).

[25] For slaves, there were two seasons of the year, “crop time” and “dead season.” During “crop time,” slaves worked at least twenty hours a day at tasks that required extremely hard manual labour and precision timing, often having to be whipped to stay awake. During “dead season,” slaves were pushed to physical limits in tasks of clearing land, planting cane, weeding, and cutting wood. Knight, Slave Society, 64-74.

[26] Mraz, “Recasting,” 115. See the critique of the glorification of the imperial Christ in Latin American christological tradition as stated by Elizabeth A. Johnson in Consider Jesus: Waves of Renewal in Christology (New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 1990), 89-90.

[27] By the middle of the 19th century, Cuba had become the world’s primary producer of sugar (Childs, “General,” 138).

[28] Even after the slave revolts of French colony Haiti, where slave populations had exceeded that of the whites, Spanish colonists of Cuba refused to see any parallels between how slaves were treated in both colonies. Thus, in order to meet the demands of an expanding sugar economy and because of its own greed, Cuba kept increasing its own slave population. In the two decades after the Haitian Revolution and slave revolts, Cuba nearly tripled its slave populations from 84,590 in 1792 to 217,400 in 1810 (Childs, “General,” 138-42).

[29] The extent of Monsieur Duclé’s help is not apparent in the film.

[30] See the critique of the mysticism of the dead Christ coupled with an interior spiritualization of Christ as model in Latin American Christological tradition as stated by Elizabeth A. Johnson, Consider Jesus, 89. See also Saúl Trinidad, “Christology, Conquista, Colonization,” in Faces of Christ: Latin American Christologies, ed. José Míguez Bonino (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Press, 1984 English trans.), 58-59.

[31] Slaves on Cuban sugar plantations also “resisted” at times by poisoning their masters, destroying machines, setting cane fields on fire, performing abortions, or committing suicide. Knight, Slave Society, 78.

[32] Muse Dube, “Savior of the World, But Not of This World: A Post-Colonial Reading of Spatial Construction in John,” in The Postcolonial Bible, The Bible and Postcolonialism, ed. R. S. Sugirtharajah, no. 1 (Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998).

[33] Fernando F. Segovia, “‘And They Began to Speak in Other Tongues’: Competing Modes of Discourse in Contemporary Biblical Criticism,” in Reading From This Place: Vol.1 Social Location and Biblical Interpretation in the United States, eds. Fernando F. Segovia and Mary Ann Tolbert (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), 31.

[34] David Jasper, “Siding with the Swine: A Moral Problem for Narrative,” in The Daemonic Imagination: Biblical Text and Secular Story, ed. Robert Detweiler and William G. Doty. AAR Studies in Religion, ed. Lawrence S. Cunningham, no. 60 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990). 82. Jasper formulates this statement by drawing on the language and ideas of Stanley Hauerwas’s The Peaceable Kingdom: A Primer in Christian Ethics (London: SCM Press, 1984), 116-34.

 

 

ARTICLES . BOOK REVIEWS . REPORTS . EDITORIAL BOARD . SUBMISSIONS