Dr. Pete Ward
Lecturer, King's College, London
Abstract
Evangelical worship songs are of increasing significance in the churches
in Britain. They have developed as a popular religious expression.
Understandings of popular music within cultural studies may be used
to read this popular religious culture. Using the work of Lawrence
Grossberg, a theory of worship as affective alliance is developed.
Affect locates meaning in the space between production and consumption.
From a survey of popular writing within the charismatic movement,
patterns of relationship between production and consumption are observed.
These are read through Grossberg's theories of meaning in popular
music. It is argued that such a reading allows a nuanced understanding
of contemporary worship music.
Introduction
[1] The growing influence of evangelical spiritual songs in Britain
is clearly evident. This can be seen in many of our churches, at festivals,
on religious radio, in Christian bookstores, and even on the BBC's
Songs of Praise. The 1992 Report of the Archbishops' Commission
on Church Music recognises the importance of spiritual songs for sections
of the Anglican Church:
There is a significant burgeoning in the composition of music in
a more popular genre. This is used mainly in churches where informality
marks much of the worship (Archbishops' Report 1992, 162).
Steven supports this view, arguing that spiritual songs are increasingly
being used outside of the charismatic groups where they originated
(Steven 1989, 4). Percy identifies how the music associated with Wimber
has spread to the congregations he has influenced (Percy 1997, 90).[1]
Begbie also indicates the importance of spiritual songs (which he
calls Renewal Music) in contemporary worship (Begbie 1991, 227; see
also Moger 1994; 14, Leech 1995; and Leaver 1980). Begbie, Percy and
Steven in their different ways have shown not only the increasing
use of spiritual songs but also the importance of academic research
in this area.
With the growing use of renewal music and such heated controversy
in the air, it is surprising that virtually no serious theological
study of this music has been undertaken (let alone a musicological,
liturgical, or sociological treatment (Begbie 1991, 227).[2]
[2] Begbie was writing before Percy's work on sexuality, power and
the music used by the Vineyard Churches, but his observation still
has some weight. There is a need for research in this area. This is
not simply because very little work has been done; it is also because
(as these authors indicate) contemporary worship songs are affecting
the liturgical practice, theology, and shape of the contemporary Church.
Begbie's agenda for work in this area is somewhat exacting, drawing
as it does on theology, musicology, liturgical studies and sociology,
but it is exactly this kind of multi-discipline approach that characterises
recent studies of popular music. It is perhaps ironic, but the present
work on evangelical spiritual songs was inspired by reading one of
these studies; Robert Walser's Running With the Devil: Power, Gender
and Madness in Heavy Metal Music (Walser 1993).[3] Walser's work
is obviously in a quite different musical genre and social context
from evangelicalism and Christian worship, but my own youth work background
has taught me that it was probably not all that dissimilar.[4]
Running with the Devil is helpful because it sets out a pattern
for analysing musical texts and performances in relation to both production
and consumption. Walser's general approach is echoed in Edward Macan's
work on Progressive Rock, and more recently Adam Krims' on Rap (Macan
1997; Krims 2000). There are differences in subject matter, as there
are divergences of academic approach, between these three studies.
What they have in common, however, is that they describe and analyse
a particular genre of popular music and as they do so they move between
a number of academic disciplines. As such, their work falls somewhere
between sociology, musicology, aesthetics, art criticism, and literary
criticism.[5] Although the designation would be rejected by some of
these authors, my own view is that these methods of interpretation
can identified as cultural studies.
[3] This paper examines the possibility of a theory of worship music
which is located within a wider understanding of popular music found
in cultural studies. The work of Lawrence Grossberg on meaning, production
and consumption is used to offer a complex reading of meaning as investment
in an affective alliance of production and consumption. This theory
allows Grossberg to develop an inclusive reading of popular music
(or Rock and Roll as he chooses to name all forms and styles of popular
music). This means that Grossberg can break from the unhelpful dualism
of the Frankfurt School's theories of culture industry and the various
resistance theories of the left ( for the culture industry, see Adorno
1991; for theories of resistance see, Fiske 1989; Hall 1975; McRobbie
1994). This debate has gone through various twists and turns, and
in recent times it has included Hall's rejection of resistance and
adoption of a more populist "cultural turn." Here. meaning is located
solely within the understandings and creativity of consumers rather
than the intentions of producers (see Hall 1996, in Morely and Chen).
The privileging of consumption over the inscribed meaning of the production
of texts has been critiqued by a number of authors (see McGuigan 1992).
Most significantly, this has been challenged by Simon Frith in his
work on meaning in popular music Performing Rites (Frith 1996).
[4] Grossberg's work sits within this broad debate but it offers
a particular language of relationship between production and consumption.
As such it goes a little beyond Hall's concept of "articulation" and
Williams' "structure of feeling" (see Hall 1996 and Williams 1958).
It therefore offers a distinctive framework to use in discussing the
cultural expression of contemporary Christian worship. So with Grossberg
as a starting point, this paper moves on to a discussion of the practice
of contemporary evangelical worship and its cultural expression. During
the research, a survey of popular evangelical literature was undertaken
to examine the way that consumption and production are related within
this religious popular culture.[6] Grossberg's language is then used
to develop an analytical framework for understanding contemporary
styles of worship and in particular worship music. This language is
significant because much analysis of evangelical popular culture and
in particular the use of popular music in worship, while not directly
drawing upon Adorno, has tended to present ideas which are very similar
to those associated with the Frankfurt School. This often takes a
form where evangelical Christians are seen as being subject to a power
imbalance and undue influence. This power imbalance might come from
a range of powerful agents within the evangelical culture. These may
include worship leaders, evangelists, megachurches, festival organisers
and record companies (see Percy 1997 and Romanowski et al.
1991). In contrast to what I see as basically reductive arguments,
this paper suggests that the use of a theorist such as Grossberg may
allow for a more complex reading of the location of meaning within
evangelical subculture.
Worship as Affective Alliance
[5] Grossberg starts his treatment of affect in popular music by
arguing that individuals and audiences interact with texts in relation
to particular sensibilities. Sensibility, as used by Grossberg, refers
to a "particular form of engagement or mode of operation" (Grossberg
1995). Sensibilities emerge from specific contexts and they define
how texts and practices may be "taken up and experienced" by audiences
(Grossberg 1995, 55). As texts and practices are taken up they "affect"
the audience's "place in the world" (Grossberg 1995, 55 ). There are
two types of sensibility; "the sensibility of the consumer," and "the
sensibility of the fan." The consumer relates to texts in terms of
pleasure and entertainment, but the fans' relation to cultural texts:
. . . operate in the domain of affect or mood. Affect is perhaps
the most difficult plane of our lives to define, not merely because
it is even less necessarily tied to meaning and pleasure, but also
because it is, in some sense, the most mundane aspect of everyday
life. Affect is not the same as either emotions or desires. Affect
is closely tied to what we often describe as the feeling of life
(Grossberg 1995, 56).
[6] For the fan, "affect" is extremely important, it means that the
variety and distinctions in popular culture carry significance and
weight. A style of music, or an individual performer, or a group,
may be important to fans because they represent an investment in identity:
Rock works by offering the fan places where she or he can locate
some sense of his or her own identity and power, where he or she
can invest his or herself in specific ways (Grossberg 1995, 61).
[7] Elsewhere, Grossberg argues that individual investment is linked
to what he calls the "material context" produced by "rock and roll"--here
I take Grossberg to be using this term to refer to popular music in
general (Grossberg 1984, 479). Affective investment defines a context
in such a way that the fan is part of the way that rock and roll functions.
His focus is on the functioning of affective investments rather than
upon the semantics of representation. Rock and Roll is to be seen
as a set of practices of "strategic empowerment rather than signification"
(Grossberg 1984, 478). Fans invest desire, and pleasures are produced
in the spaces created by Rock and Roll. Grossberg's concern is to
describe what happens in the spaces that develop between music and
fans. When viewed in this way, Rock and Roll only becomes visible
when it is located within "the production of a network of empowerment."
Grossberg refers to this network as an "affective alliance" (Grossberg
1984, 478),
Such a network may be described as an "affective alliance": an
organisation of concrete material practices and events, cultural
forms and social experience which both opens up and structures the
space of our affective investments in the world. My aim then is
to describe the parameters of rock and roll's empowering effects
in terms of affective alliances...(Grossberg 1984, 478).
[8] Grossberg therefore sets out to describe the relationship between
production and consumption as a series of investments and alliances
based upon affect. He argues that, Rock and Roll functions strategically,
to bring together varied aspects of the fragmented everyday lives
of fans within what he calls the "rock and roll apparatus" (Grossberg
1984, 478). This apparatus sets out or maps "particular lines of affective
investment and organisation" (Grossberg 1984, 478). Rock and Roll
therefore structures and creates sites where pleasure is possible
and it also offers "strategies through which the audience is empowered
by and empowers the musical apparatus" (Grossberg 1984, 478). The
Rock and Roll apparatus, he says, "includes not only musical texts
and practices, but also economic determinations, aesthetic conventions,
styles of language, movement, appearance and dance, media practices,
ideological commitments and media representations of the apparatus
itself"(Grossberg 198, 483). A particular music only exists as "rock
and roll," says Grossberg, in relation to this apparatus and it is
in this context that the music is "inflected in ways that empower
its specific functioning" (Grossberg 1984, 483).
[9] Grossberg's treatment of Rock and Roll in terms of affective
alliances, apparatus, and strategic investment leads him to argue
that the significance of popular music cannot be read directly off
the text; rather it is to be seen in the relationship between meaning
and the structuring of desires and pleasure. Rock and Roll manipulates
meaning, but he says, "meaning itself functions in rock and roll affectively,
that is to produce and organise desires and pleasures" (Grossberg
1984, 482). Seen in this way, Grossberg argues, that the power of
Rock and Roll:
...depends not upon meaning but upon affective investments, it
is related not so much to what one feels as to the boundary drawn
by the very existence of different organisations of desire and pleasure
(Grossberg 1984, 482).
[10] The politics of Rock and Roll are that it marks a boundary between
those inside and those outside. This boundary exists within the dominant
culture. Rock and Roll can be seen, therefore as a survival mechanism:
The politics of rock and roll arises from its articulation of affective
alliances as modes of survival within the post-modern world. It
does not bemoan the death of older structures but seeks to find
organisations of desire that do not contradict the reality in which
it finds itself (Grossberg 1984, 483).
Affect, Agency and Investment
[11] Grossberg's theory of the sensibilities and investment of the
"fan" can be used in a reading of charismatic worship. The true worshipper,
within charismatic discourse, is seen as being the one who is willing
to make significant investments. To worship God is to "give God his
worth", says Maries (1985, 46). According to Kendrick, worship involves
a commitment to living sacrifice--a whole body reality (Kendrick 1984,
24). Pilavachi speaks of worship as "our highest priority" (Pilavachi
and Borlase 1999, 1).
Whatever way you look at it, you cannot alter our highest priority.
Try as hard as you like, but you'll never twist the definition of
our purpose on earth to read "I am here to shop" or "I exist to
make money." Sure, shopping and making a living are part of the
fabric of our lives, but they can never be the main reason that
we are here. That place is reserved for something special: worship
(Pilavachi and Borlase 1999, 1).
[12] The investment required of the worshipper in charismatic discourse
can be seen as functioning in a similar way to investment of the "fan"
described by Grossberg. Charismatic discourse would, however. wish
to make a distinction between the kinds of commitment that are in
play. Such a distinction shapes charismatic identity in relation to
popular culture. While not wishing to disagree that this may be the
case, the argument here is that the two function in a similar fashion.
Investment in worship operates at a number of different levels. At
the first and most basic level within charismatic spirituality, there
is a high commitment to the act of worship itself. Redman expresses
this in terms of an active love for God. The worshipper is to place
a priority on worship and devotion to God. Right living then emerges
as a consequence of devotion to worship. As Redman says, "When we
get our priorities right and put the worship of God first, then everything
else falls into place" (Redman in Pilavachi and Borlase 1999, 4).
Charismatic discourse therefore prioritises worship as a site of significant
investment. It does not replace ethics, or mission, or theological
education as such, rather worship is seen as the starting point for
all of these. Investment in worship is also seen in the key value
of participation with charismatic discourse. As Bax puts it, "The
lay person in renewal is entering into the life, work and ministry
of the church among all members" (Bax 1986, 5). She later observes
that within renewal there is an element of people "shopping around"
for churches. The criterion by which churches are judged is less the
style of worship, or the kind of preaching, or the liturgical pattern
on offer; rather the desire is for what she calls "a quality of commitment"
(Bax 1986, 184). An example of investment can be seen in Kendrick's
account of creativity in the local groups that organise Marches for
Jesus. Kendrick points out that people find a variety of different
ways to be active in preparing for a local march. This may be in rehearsing
songs, practising as musicians, sewing banners, or in developing choreography
to be used on the march (Kendrick 1992, 45). This kind of investment
is also illustrated by the variety of ways that worshippers are active
during worship as participants, worship leaders or song writers.
[13] Following Grossberg, it is possible to read such investment
as empowerment. Investment in worship within charismatic discourse
is seen as being life changing and renewing. Worshippers are empowered
by participation. The level of investment can be judged as being significant
for the construction of a "whole way of life" (see Williams 1961,
61). While Percy's observation that participation involves both agency
and passive submission has a measure of truth, the numbers of people
who embrace charismatic spirituality may indicate that this form of
spirituality delivers significant rewards in the way life is perceived.
Investment and empowerment may offer a way of describing this by honouring
the internal coherence of charismatic spirituality. Investment by
individuals and groups in worship should also be read in terms of
affect.
Affect in Charismatic Worship
[14] According to Steven, worship in the Restoration movement, and
I would add the charismatic movement as a whole, should be described
in relation to what he calls "the essential experience of coming face
to face with God" (Steven 1989, 15). Dealing with the earlier Renewal
Movement, Bax uses "affective" and "sensate" to describe this experiential
nature of charismatic spirituality (Bax 1986, 179). Within the charismatic
movement, worship has been described by a series of theological illustrations
(or narratives). These act both descriptively and ascriptively as
legitimations of encounter. As such they can be seen as a means by
which worshippers both shape and express affect within the community.
[15] Steven identifies three different theological narratives that
seek to give expression to the experience of encounter with God in
worship (Steven 1989, 16). The first expression comes from Rodgers,
who is part of the New Frontiers group of churches. Rodgers, says
Steven, draws a distinction between the use of the words "praise"
and "worship" in the bible. Praise is described as "boasting of God's
goodness and expressing thankfulness to him." This activity, according
to Rodgers, is commended in scripture as an "exhortation" (Steven
1989, 16). Worship he sees as both an offering of life to God and
an act of adoration. Building on the idea of worship as adoration,
Rodgers sees worship as mainly a response "from the heart to a revelation
of God through the Holy Spirit." (Steven 1989, 16). Rodgers argues
for a progression from praise to worship.
In praise we declare the great truths about the Lord, who he is
and what he has done. But as we confess these words the Spirit within
breathes life into them, and so begin to wonder in our hearts. This
revelation takes us from praise into worship (Rodgers quoted in
Steven 1989, 16).
[16] Steven uses Kendrick as his second expression of encounter in
worship (Steven 1989, 6). Kendrick develops a theory for worship which
is based on the tabernacle of Moses. The theory of worship is based
around an allegorical journey through the gates, into the courts and
on into the Holy of Holies. Kendrick appeals to a reading of Psalm
100:4: "Enter his gates with thanksgiving and his courts with praise!"
(Revised Standard Version). The "gates" indicate that the starting
point for worship should be thanksgiving. The "courts" represent a
time of praise, and from there a journey into encounter represented
by the Holy of Holies. Worshippers are seen as being actively "doing"
in the courts of the Lord; as they move on into the Holy of Holies,
activity turns to stillness. Steven identifies the song "Within the
Veil" as an expression of this theology. The first two lines read
"Within the Veil I now would come, Into the Holy place to look upon
thy face. I see such beauty there, no other can compare, I worship
Thee, my Lord, within the veil" (Steven 1989, 16).
[17] Steven uses Wimber as his third expression of encounter (Steven
1989, 6). Wimber advocates five phases which together express progression
in worship towards encounter with God. He refers to this encounter
as "intimacy" (Steven 1989, 16). Phase one is a call to worship. Phase
two is called "engagement" which Wimber calls "the electrifying dynamic
of connection to God and to each other" (Wimber, quoted in Steven
1989, 16). Phase three involves an expression of love to God through
praise, meditation, or confession. Expression moves into the fourth
phase where God visits his people. This is given a sexual analogy
by Wimber: "Expression then moves to a zenith, a climactic point,
not unlike physical lovemaking (doesn't Solomon use the same analogy
in the Song of Songs?)" (Wimber, quoted in Steven 1989, 16). The visitation
of God may result in healings, conversions or deliverances. Finally,
there is a fifth phase where the congregation responds by offering
themselves to God (Steven 1989, 16). Steven argues that these three
different accounts of worship indicate the priority of a face to face
encounter with God:
One of the characteristics of the Charismatic Movement is that
it has restored this sense of the importance of the face-to-face
relationship between the individual and God in Christ, not only
in the context of private individual worship but also in public
worship (Steven 1989, 17).
[18] These accounts act as legitimating narratives for affect within
the charistmatic movement. The experience of encounter with God is
the affective distinctive of those within the movement. As such, the
experience of encounter with God acts a boundary marking difference
and distinction. Theologies of worship such as those described by
Steven indicate the need for some means of expressing this central
experience that serves to unite those within the movement. The narrative
serves affective distinction in that it marks difference. The true
worshipper is the one who has been "within the veil." A sense of unity
can be found with those who have also been "intimate" with God. The
narrative also helps to define those who remain outside the affective
community. The narrative excludes those who fail to understand or
acknowledge that there is a difference between praise and worship.
It marks as outsiders those who speak of God in distant impersonal
terms.
[19] Grossberg argues that it is affective investment which defines
popular music rather than representation. This means that worship
should be read in terms of the investment of the worshipper rather
than purely in relation to text or legitimating theologies. Investment
indicates the importance of audience itself as cultural producer and
site of production. At the same time, following Grosberg, it is possible
to say that investment takes place within the spaces created by the
worship apparatus. This is what can be termed affective alliance.
Worship as Affective Alliance
[20] Investment in charismatic worship is enabled by the existence
of a complex network that could be termed the "worship apparatus."
The worship apparatus includes song writers, recording studios, record
companies, local church worship bands, festivals, overhead projectors,
styles of singing, book publishers, worship leaders, magazines, youth
groups, and so on. Investment takes place and is structured by this
apparatus. An example of this is the way that advances in technology
within music publishing have allowed for cheap mass production of
songbooks. According to Wilson-Dickson this is one of the significant
developments associated with evangelical worship.
Around Britain the speed and ease of modern music publishing has
released an avalanche of spiral-bound books, Mission Praise
(1983) and Songs of Fellowship (1985) being in wide circulation.
The simplicity of their contents implies that the creation of Christian
music is not longer only the province of the expert, but that it
can be for all (Wilson-Dickson 1992, 415).
[21] Wilson-Dickson identifies how contemporary advances in the printing
and distribution of music have led to an increase in the number of
books. These technological advances are at the same time linked by
Wilson-Dickson to locally based creativity and mass circulation. Worship
can be seen to exist in the creative interaction between and within
this complex network of published music, local songwriters, and the
wider consumer base. This brief quotation reveals interrelationships
within the worship, and these relationships can be termed affective
alliance.
[22] The world-wide spread of the British-based March for Jesus also
illustrates how the apparatus of worship produces spaces where individuals
may invest. As such it can also be read as an affective alliance.
The origins of the March for Jesus are complex, but they are expressed
by those within the organisation as a "coming together of organisations."
These include: the early Marches led by Icthus Fellowship; Graham
Kendrick's songwriting and music publishing; the organisational abilities
and commitments of Youth With a Mission; and the spreading influence
of the Pioneer Trust (Kendrick, Coates, Forster and Green 1992, 8).
The creation of the March for Jesus is represented as the combined
vision of a group of friends: Graham Kendrick, Gerald Coates, Roger
Forster and Lynn Green.
March for Jesus did not start in a committee room with church leaders
trying to find a new way to mobilise the church. It started spontaneously
as four friends were prompted to lead believers out onto the streets
(Kendrick et al. 1992, 7).
[23] At the same time, the remarkable response of individuals and
groups to the "vision" is emphasised. Kendrick in particular is at
pains to describe the way that local ownership and involvement in
the March for Jesus lie at the heart of its success. In fact, he expresses
surprise at the numbers of people who have wanted to run their own
marches (Kendrick et al. 1992, 25) The March for Jesus is therefore
represented as both the initiative of leaders and a localised grassroots
organisation. A similar pattern can be seen in the way that Kendrick
discusses his MakeWay materials which are used on the Marches. On
the one hand, he says that the resources are produced to "encourage
the churches onto the streets" (Kendrick et al. 1992, 25).
This would imply that production of resources structures and precedes
localised agency. Yet elsewhere, Kendrick says that it was the existence
of localised marches which gave birth to what he calls the "service
industry." By this he means Make Way Music and The March for Jesus
UK Office (Kendrick 1992, 64). The variety of these accounts of the
origins of the March for Jesus are an indication of the complexity
of the worship apparatus.
Conclusion
[24] The popular literature of the charismatic movement in Britain
shows evidence of an interaction between production and consumption.
This can be seen in the early days of renewal through the restoration
movements, in the ministry of John Wimber and on to those who were
influenced by him, including New Frontiers and New Wine? Soul Survivor.
Grossberg's notion of affective alliance used in relation to charismatic
worship means that we can focus on the importance of the spaces between
text and audience, consumption and production, agency and authority.
The worship apparatus can be read as a means to structure investment
and make investment possible. The affective alliances which characterise
Charismatic Worship therefore serve to create spaces in which desire
may be invested--desire for encounter with God. Encounter with God
can be seen as parallel to Grossberg's use of pleasure in relation
to the Rock and Roll fan. While desire may be a suitable term to indicate
the level of investment made by worshippers, pleasure does not seem
weighty or significant enough to do justice to the claims of charismatic
discourse. Pleasure should therefore be replaced by fulfilment or
passion. The fulfilment or passion of charismatic worship is the experience
of divine encounter. The apparatus of charismatic worship empowers
both desire and passion in the worshipper. In turn, the desire and
the passion of the worshipper empower the apparatus.
[25] The theological interpretation of charismatic worship should
be found in the investment of worshippers. The worship apparatus creates
spaces for investment and where the desire to encounter God may be
fulfilled (affect, to use Grossberg's terminology). Grossberg's conception
of affective alliance allows for a more sophisticated reading relationship
between production and consumption within contemporary worship. A
theological evaluation of charismatic worship will need to draw upon
what emerges from the spaces between the worship apparatus, the texts
of the songs and the investment of worshipper. In these places we
discover the world of charismatic affect: desire for God and passion
for the Spirit.
Notes
1. See also Percy 1996, 62.
2. For other work in this area see Ward 2002, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c.
3. From 1980 to 1996 I worked as a youthworker in Anglican Churches
and then with a youth organisation Oxford Youth Works. The link between
youth culture is dealt with in Ward 1992, 82ff.
4. Walser is more musicological and sociological in emphasis.
5. Macan deals with musicological features, but he also deals with
the art and visual aspects of progressive rock. Krims on the other
hand identifies his work more closely with literary criticism and
the poetic nature of rap.
6. Survey draws on authors who are representative of the various
movements within British evangelical popular culture during the last
thirty years. These include Maries Kendrick Rodgers, Redman, Pilavacchi
and John Wimber as well as the work of Steven and Percy and others.
For more on this research see Ward
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