Dr. Pete Ward
Lecturer, King's College, London

Abstract

Evangelical worship songs are of increasing significance in the churches in Britain. They have developed as a popular religious expression. Understandings of popular music within cultural studies may be used to read this popular religious culture. Using the work of Lawrence Grossberg, a theory of worship as affective alliance is developed. Affect locates meaning in the space between production and consumption. From a survey of popular writing within the charismatic movement, patterns of relationship between production and consumption are observed. These are read through Grossberg's theories of meaning in popular music. It is argued that such a reading allows a nuanced understanding of contemporary worship music.

Introduction

[1] The growing influence of evangelical spiritual songs in Britain is clearly evident. This can be seen in many of our churches, at festivals, on religious radio, in Christian bookstores, and even on the BBC's Songs of Praise. The 1992 Report of the Archbishops' Commission on Church Music recognises the importance of spiritual songs for sections of the Anglican Church:

There is a significant burgeoning in the composition of music in a more popular genre. This is used mainly in churches where informality marks much of the worship (Archbishops' Report 1992, 162).

Steven supports this view, arguing that spiritual songs are increasingly being used outside of the charismatic groups where they originated (Steven 1989, 4). Percy identifies how the music associated with Wimber has spread to the congregations he has influenced (Percy 1997, 90).[1] Begbie also indicates the importance of spiritual songs (which he calls Renewal Music) in contemporary worship (Begbie 1991, 227; see also Moger 1994; 14, Leech 1995; and Leaver 1980). Begbie, Percy and Steven in their different ways have shown not only the increasing use of spiritual songs but also the importance of academic research in this area.

With the growing use of renewal music and such heated controversy in the air, it is surprising that virtually no serious theological study of this music has been undertaken (let alone a musicological, liturgical, or sociological treatment (Begbie 1991, 227).[2]

[2] Begbie was writing before Percy's work on sexuality, power and the music used by the Vineyard Churches, but his observation still has some weight. There is a need for research in this area. This is not simply because very little work has been done; it is also because (as these authors indicate) contemporary worship songs are affecting the liturgical practice, theology, and shape of the contemporary Church. Begbie's agenda for work in this area is somewhat exacting, drawing as it does on theology, musicology, liturgical studies and sociology, but it is exactly this kind of multi-discipline approach that characterises recent studies of popular music. It is perhaps ironic, but the present work on evangelical spiritual songs was inspired by reading one of these studies; Robert Walser's Running With the Devil: Power, Gender and Madness in Heavy Metal Music (Walser 1993).[3] Walser's work is obviously in a quite different musical genre and social context from evangelicalism and Christian worship, but my own youth work background has taught me that it was probably not all that dissimilar.[4] Running with the Devil is helpful because it sets out a pattern for analysing musical texts and performances in relation to both production and consumption. Walser's general approach is echoed in Edward Macan's work on Progressive Rock, and more recently Adam Krims' on Rap (Macan 1997; Krims 2000). There are differences in subject matter, as there are divergences of academic approach, between these three studies. What they have in common, however, is that they describe and analyse a particular genre of popular music and as they do so they move between a number of academic disciplines. As such, their work falls somewhere between sociology, musicology, aesthetics, art criticism, and literary criticism.[5] Although the designation would be rejected by some of these authors, my own view is that these methods of interpretation can identified as cultural studies.

[3] This paper examines the possibility of a theory of worship music which is located within a wider understanding of popular music found in cultural studies. The work of Lawrence Grossberg on meaning, production and consumption is used to offer a complex reading of meaning as investment in an affective alliance of production and consumption. This theory allows Grossberg to develop an inclusive reading of popular music (or Rock and Roll as he chooses to name all forms and styles of popular music). This means that Grossberg can break from the unhelpful dualism of the Frankfurt School's theories of culture industry and the various resistance theories of the left ( for the culture industry, see Adorno 1991; for theories of resistance see, Fiske 1989; Hall 1975; McRobbie 1994). This debate has gone through various twists and turns, and in recent times it has included Hall's rejection of resistance and adoption of a more populist "cultural turn." Here. meaning is located solely within the understandings and creativity of consumers rather than the intentions of producers (see Hall 1996, in Morely and Chen). The privileging of consumption over the inscribed meaning of the production of texts has been critiqued by a number of authors (see McGuigan 1992). Most significantly, this has been challenged by Simon Frith in his work on meaning in popular music Performing Rites (Frith 1996).

[4] Grossberg's work sits within this broad debate but it offers a particular language of relationship between production and consumption. As such it goes a little beyond Hall's concept of "articulation" and Williams' "structure of feeling" (see Hall 1996 and Williams 1958). It therefore offers a distinctive framework to use in discussing the cultural expression of contemporary Christian worship. So with Grossberg as a starting point, this paper moves on to a discussion of the practice of contemporary evangelical worship and its cultural expression. During the research, a survey of popular evangelical literature was undertaken to examine the way that consumption and production are related within this religious popular culture.[6] Grossberg's language is then used to develop an analytical framework for understanding contemporary styles of worship and in particular worship music. This language is significant because much analysis of evangelical popular culture and in particular the use of popular music in worship, while not directly drawing upon Adorno, has tended to present ideas which are very similar to those associated with the Frankfurt School. This often takes a form where evangelical Christians are seen as being subject to a power imbalance and undue influence. This power imbalance might come from a range of powerful agents within the evangelical culture. These may include worship leaders, evangelists, megachurches, festival organisers and record companies (see Percy 1997 and Romanowski et al. 1991). In contrast to what I see as basically reductive arguments, this paper suggests that the use of a theorist such as Grossberg may allow for a more complex reading of the location of meaning within evangelical subculture.

Worship as Affective Alliance

[5] Grossberg starts his treatment of affect in popular music by arguing that individuals and audiences interact with texts in relation to particular sensibilities. Sensibility, as used by Grossberg, refers to a "particular form of engagement or mode of operation" (Grossberg 1995). Sensibilities emerge from specific contexts and they define how texts and practices may be "taken up and experienced" by audiences (Grossberg 1995, 55). As texts and practices are taken up they "affect" the audience's "place in the world" (Grossberg 1995, 55 ). There are two types of sensibility; "the sensibility of the consumer," and "the sensibility of the fan." The consumer relates to texts in terms of pleasure and entertainment, but the fans' relation to cultural texts:

. . . operate in the domain of affect or mood. Affect is perhaps the most difficult plane of our lives to define, not merely because it is even less necessarily tied to meaning and pleasure, but also because it is, in some sense, the most mundane aspect of everyday life. Affect is not the same as either emotions or desires. Affect is closely tied to what we often describe as the feeling of life (Grossberg 1995, 56).

[6] For the fan, "affect" is extremely important, it means that the variety and distinctions in popular culture carry significance and weight. A style of music, or an individual performer, or a group, may be important to fans because they represent an investment in identity:

Rock works by offering the fan places where she or he can locate some sense of his or her own identity and power, where he or she can invest his or herself in specific ways (Grossberg 1995, 61).

[7] Elsewhere, Grossberg argues that individual investment is linked to what he calls the "material context" produced by "rock and roll"--here I take Grossberg to be using this term to refer to popular music in general (Grossberg 1984, 479). Affective investment defines a context in such a way that the fan is part of the way that rock and roll functions. His focus is on the functioning of affective investments rather than upon the semantics of representation. Rock and Roll is to be seen as a set of practices of "strategic empowerment rather than signification" (Grossberg 1984, 478). Fans invest desire, and pleasures are produced in the spaces created by Rock and Roll. Grossberg's concern is to describe what happens in the spaces that develop between music and fans. When viewed in this way, Rock and Roll only becomes visible when it is located within "the production of a network of empowerment." Grossberg refers to this network as an "affective alliance" (Grossberg 1984, 478),

Such a network may be described as an "affective alliance": an organisation of concrete material practices and events, cultural forms and social experience which both opens up and structures the space of our affective investments in the world. My aim then is to describe the parameters of rock and roll's empowering effects in terms of affective alliances...(Grossberg 1984, 478).

[8] Grossberg therefore sets out to describe the relationship between production and consumption as a series of investments and alliances based upon affect. He argues that, Rock and Roll functions strategically, to bring together varied aspects of the fragmented everyday lives of fans within what he calls the "rock and roll apparatus" (Grossberg 1984, 478). This apparatus sets out or maps "particular lines of affective investment and organisation" (Grossberg 1984, 478). Rock and Roll therefore structures and creates sites where pleasure is possible and it also offers "strategies through which the audience is empowered by and empowers the musical apparatus" (Grossberg 1984, 478). The Rock and Roll apparatus, he says, "includes not only musical texts and practices, but also economic determinations, aesthetic conventions, styles of language, movement, appearance and dance, media practices, ideological commitments and media representations of the apparatus itself"(Grossberg 198, 483). A particular music only exists as "rock and roll," says Grossberg, in relation to this apparatus and it is in this context that the music is "inflected in ways that empower its specific functioning" (Grossberg 1984, 483).

[9] Grossberg's treatment of Rock and Roll in terms of affective alliances, apparatus, and strategic investment leads him to argue that the significance of popular music cannot be read directly off the text; rather it is to be seen in the relationship between meaning and the structuring of desires and pleasure. Rock and Roll manipulates meaning, but he says, "meaning itself functions in rock and roll affectively, that is to produce and organise desires and pleasures" (Grossberg 1984, 482). Seen in this way, Grossberg argues, that the power of Rock and Roll:

...depends not upon meaning but upon affective investments, it is related not so much to what one feels as to the boundary drawn by the very existence of different organisations of desire and pleasure (Grossberg 1984, 482).

[10] The politics of Rock and Roll are that it marks a boundary between those inside and those outside. This boundary exists within the dominant culture. Rock and Roll can be seen, therefore as a survival mechanism:

The politics of rock and roll arises from its articulation of affective alliances as modes of survival within the post-modern world. It does not bemoan the death of older structures but seeks to find organisations of desire that do not contradict the reality in which it finds itself (Grossberg 1984, 483).

Affect, Agency and Investment

[11] Grossberg's theory of the sensibilities and investment of the "fan" can be used in a reading of charismatic worship. The true worshipper, within charismatic discourse, is seen as being the one who is willing to make significant investments. To worship God is to "give God his worth", says Maries (1985, 46). According to Kendrick, worship involves a commitment to living sacrifice--a whole body reality (Kendrick 1984, 24). Pilavachi speaks of worship as "our highest priority" (Pilavachi and Borlase 1999, 1).

Whatever way you look at it, you cannot alter our highest priority. Try as hard as you like, but you'll never twist the definition of our purpose on earth to read "I am here to shop" or "I exist to make money." Sure, shopping and making a living are part of the fabric of our lives, but they can never be the main reason that we are here. That place is reserved for something special: worship (Pilavachi and Borlase 1999, 1).

[12] The investment required of the worshipper in charismatic discourse can be seen as functioning in a similar way to investment of the "fan" described by Grossberg. Charismatic discourse would, however. wish to make a distinction between the kinds of commitment that are in play. Such a distinction shapes charismatic identity in relation to popular culture. While not wishing to disagree that this may be the case, the argument here is that the two function in a similar fashion. Investment in worship operates at a number of different levels. At the first and most basic level within charismatic spirituality, there is a high commitment to the act of worship itself. Redman expresses this in terms of an active love for God. The worshipper is to place a priority on worship and devotion to God. Right living then emerges as a consequence of devotion to worship. As Redman says, "When we get our priorities right and put the worship of God first, then everything else falls into place" (Redman in Pilavachi and Borlase 1999, 4). Charismatic discourse therefore prioritises worship as a site of significant investment. It does not replace ethics, or mission, or theological education as such, rather worship is seen as the starting point for all of these. Investment in worship is also seen in the key value of participation with charismatic discourse. As Bax puts it, "The lay person in renewal is entering into the life, work and ministry of the church among all members" (Bax 1986, 5). She later observes that within renewal there is an element of people "shopping around" for churches. The criterion by which churches are judged is less the style of worship, or the kind of preaching, or the liturgical pattern on offer; rather the desire is for what she calls "a quality of commitment" (Bax 1986, 184). An example of investment can be seen in Kendrick's account of creativity in the local groups that organise Marches for Jesus. Kendrick points out that people find a variety of different ways to be active in preparing for a local march. This may be in rehearsing songs, practising as musicians, sewing banners, or in developing choreography to be used on the march (Kendrick 1992, 45). This kind of investment is also illustrated by the variety of ways that worshippers are active during worship as participants, worship leaders or song writers.

[13] Following Grossberg, it is possible to read such investment as empowerment. Investment in worship within charismatic discourse is seen as being life changing and renewing. Worshippers are empowered by participation. The level of investment can be judged as being significant for the construction of a "whole way of life" (see Williams 1961, 61). While Percy's observation that participation involves both agency and passive submission has a measure of truth, the numbers of people who embrace charismatic spirituality may indicate that this form of spirituality delivers significant rewards in the way life is perceived. Investment and empowerment may offer a way of describing this by honouring the internal coherence of charismatic spirituality. Investment by individuals and groups in worship should also be read in terms of affect.

Affect in Charismatic Worship

[14] According to Steven, worship in the Restoration movement, and I would add the charismatic movement as a whole, should be described in relation to what he calls "the essential experience of coming face to face with God" (Steven 1989, 15). Dealing with the earlier Renewal Movement, Bax uses "affective" and "sensate" to describe this experiential nature of charismatic spirituality (Bax 1986, 179). Within the charismatic movement, worship has been described by a series of theological illustrations (or narratives). These act both descriptively and ascriptively as legitimations of encounter. As such they can be seen as a means by which worshippers both shape and express affect within the community.

[15] Steven identifies three different theological narratives that seek to give expression to the experience of encounter with God in worship (Steven 1989, 16). The first expression comes from Rodgers, who is part of the New Frontiers group of churches. Rodgers, says Steven, draws a distinction between the use of the words "praise" and "worship" in the bible. Praise is described as "boasting of God's goodness and expressing thankfulness to him." This activity, according to Rodgers, is commended in scripture as an "exhortation" (Steven 1989, 16). Worship he sees as both an offering of life to God and an act of adoration. Building on the idea of worship as adoration, Rodgers sees worship as mainly a response "from the heart to a revelation of God through the Holy Spirit." (Steven 1989, 16). Rodgers argues for a progression from praise to worship.

In praise we declare the great truths about the Lord, who he is and what he has done. But as we confess these words the Spirit within breathes life into them, and so begin to wonder in our hearts. This revelation takes us from praise into worship (Rodgers quoted in Steven 1989, 16).

[16] Steven uses Kendrick as his second expression of encounter in worship (Steven 1989, 6). Kendrick develops a theory for worship which is based on the tabernacle of Moses. The theory of worship is based around an allegorical journey through the gates, into the courts and on into the Holy of Holies. Kendrick appeals to a reading of Psalm 100:4: "Enter his gates with thanksgiving and his courts with praise!" (Revised Standard Version). The "gates" indicate that the starting point for worship should be thanksgiving. The "courts" represent a time of praise, and from there a journey into encounter represented by the Holy of Holies. Worshippers are seen as being actively "doing" in the courts of the Lord; as they move on into the Holy of Holies, activity turns to stillness. Steven identifies the song "Within the Veil" as an expression of this theology. The first two lines read "Within the Veil I now would come, Into the Holy place to look upon thy face. I see such beauty there, no other can compare, I worship Thee, my Lord, within the veil" (Steven 1989, 16).

[17] Steven uses Wimber as his third expression of encounter (Steven 1989, 6). Wimber advocates five phases which together express progression in worship towards encounter with God. He refers to this encounter as "intimacy" (Steven 1989, 16). Phase one is a call to worship. Phase two is called "engagement" which Wimber calls "the electrifying dynamic of connection to God and to each other" (Wimber, quoted in Steven 1989, 16). Phase three involves an expression of love to God through praise, meditation, or confession. Expression moves into the fourth phase where God visits his people. This is given a sexual analogy by Wimber: "Expression then moves to a zenith, a climactic point, not unlike physical lovemaking (doesn't Solomon use the same analogy in the Song of Songs?)" (Wimber, quoted in Steven 1989, 16). The visitation of God may result in healings, conversions or deliverances. Finally, there is a fifth phase where the congregation responds by offering themselves to God (Steven 1989, 16). Steven argues that these three different accounts of worship indicate the priority of a face to face encounter with God:

One of the characteristics of the Charismatic Movement is that it has restored this sense of the importance of the face-to-face relationship between the individual and God in Christ, not only in the context of private individual worship but also in public worship (Steven 1989, 17).

[18] These accounts act as legitimating narratives for affect within the charistmatic movement. The experience of encounter with God is the affective distinctive of those within the movement. As such, the experience of encounter with God acts a boundary marking difference and distinction. Theologies of worship such as those described by Steven indicate the need for some means of expressing this central experience that serves to unite those within the movement. The narrative serves affective distinction in that it marks difference. The true worshipper is the one who has been "within the veil." A sense of unity can be found with those who have also been "intimate" with God. The narrative also helps to define those who remain outside the affective community. The narrative excludes those who fail to understand or acknowledge that there is a difference between praise and worship. It marks as outsiders those who speak of God in distant impersonal terms.

[19] Grossberg argues that it is affective investment which defines popular music rather than representation. This means that worship should be read in terms of the investment of the worshipper rather than purely in relation to text or legitimating theologies. Investment indicates the importance of audience itself as cultural producer and site of production. At the same time, following Grosberg, it is possible to say that investment takes place within the spaces created by the worship apparatus. This is what can be termed affective alliance.

Worship as Affective Alliance

[20] Investment in charismatic worship is enabled by the existence of a complex network that could be termed the "worship apparatus." The worship apparatus includes song writers, recording studios, record companies, local church worship bands, festivals, overhead projectors, styles of singing, book publishers, worship leaders, magazines, youth groups, and so on. Investment takes place and is structured by this apparatus. An example of this is the way that advances in technology within music publishing have allowed for cheap mass production of songbooks. According to Wilson-Dickson this is one of the significant developments associated with evangelical worship.

Around Britain the speed and ease of modern music publishing has released an avalanche of spiral-bound books, Mission Praise (1983) and Songs of Fellowship (1985) being in wide circulation. The simplicity of their contents implies that the creation of Christian music is not longer only the province of the expert, but that it can be for all (Wilson-Dickson 1992, 415).

[21] Wilson-Dickson identifies how contemporary advances in the printing and distribution of music have led to an increase in the number of books. These technological advances are at the same time linked by Wilson-Dickson to locally based creativity and mass circulation. Worship can be seen to exist in the creative interaction between and within this complex network of published music, local songwriters, and the wider consumer base. This brief quotation reveals interrelationships within the worship, and these relationships can be termed affective alliance.

[22] The world-wide spread of the British-based March for Jesus also illustrates how the apparatus of worship produces spaces where individuals may invest. As such it can also be read as an affective alliance. The origins of the March for Jesus are complex, but they are expressed by those within the organisation as a "coming together of organisations." These include: the early Marches led by Icthus Fellowship; Graham Kendrick's songwriting and music publishing; the organisational abilities and commitments of Youth With a Mission; and the spreading influence of the Pioneer Trust (Kendrick, Coates, Forster and Green 1992, 8). The creation of the March for Jesus is represented as the combined vision of a group of friends: Graham Kendrick, Gerald Coates, Roger Forster and Lynn Green.

March for Jesus did not start in a committee room with church leaders trying to find a new way to mobilise the church. It started spontaneously as four friends were prompted to lead believers out onto the streets (Kendrick et al. 1992, 7).

[23] At the same time, the remarkable response of individuals and groups to the "vision" is emphasised. Kendrick in particular is at pains to describe the way that local ownership and involvement in the March for Jesus lie at the heart of its success. In fact, he expresses surprise at the numbers of people who have wanted to run their own marches (Kendrick et al. 1992, 25) The March for Jesus is therefore represented as both the initiative of leaders and a localised grassroots organisation. A similar pattern can be seen in the way that Kendrick discusses his MakeWay materials which are used on the Marches. On the one hand, he says that the resources are produced to "encourage the churches onto the streets" (Kendrick et al. 1992, 25). This would imply that production of resources structures and precedes localised agency. Yet elsewhere, Kendrick says that it was the existence of localised marches which gave birth to what he calls the "service industry." By this he means Make Way Music and The March for Jesus UK Office (Kendrick 1992, 64). The variety of these accounts of the origins of the March for Jesus are an indication of the complexity of the worship apparatus.

Conclusion

[24] The popular literature of the charismatic movement in Britain shows evidence of an interaction between production and consumption. This can be seen in the early days of renewal through the restoration movements, in the ministry of John Wimber and on to those who were influenced by him, including New Frontiers and New Wine? Soul Survivor. Grossberg's notion of affective alliance used in relation to charismatic worship means that we can focus on the importance of the spaces between text and audience, consumption and production, agency and authority. The worship apparatus can be read as a means to structure investment and make investment possible. The affective alliances which characterise Charismatic Worship therefore serve to create spaces in which desire may be invested--desire for encounter with God. Encounter with God can be seen as parallel to Grossberg's use of pleasure in relation to the Rock and Roll fan. While desire may be a suitable term to indicate the level of investment made by worshippers, pleasure does not seem weighty or significant enough to do justice to the claims of charismatic discourse. Pleasure should therefore be replaced by fulfilment or passion. The fulfilment or passion of charismatic worship is the experience of divine encounter. The apparatus of charismatic worship empowers both desire and passion in the worshipper. In turn, the desire and the passion of the worshipper empower the apparatus.

[25] The theological interpretation of charismatic worship should be found in the investment of worshippers. The worship apparatus creates spaces for investment and where the desire to encounter God may be fulfilled (affect, to use Grossberg's terminology). Grossberg's conception of affective alliance allows for a more sophisticated reading relationship between production and consumption within contemporary worship. A theological evaluation of charismatic worship will need to draw upon what emerges from the spaces between the worship apparatus, the texts of the songs and the investment of worshipper. In these places we discover the world of charismatic affect: desire for God and passion for the Spirit.

Notes

1. See also Percy 1996, 62.

2. For other work in this area see Ward 2002, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c.

3. From 1980 to 1996 I worked as a youthworker in Anglican Churches and then with a youth organisation Oxford Youth Works. The link between youth culture is dealt with in Ward 1992, 82ff.

4. Walser is more musicological and sociological in emphasis.

5. Macan deals with musicological features, but he also deals with the art and visual aspects of progressive rock. Krims on the other hand identifies his work more closely with literary criticism and the poetic nature of rap.

6. Survey draws on authors who are representative of the various movements within British evangelical popular culture during the last thirty years. These include Maries Kendrick Rodgers, Redman, Pilavacchi and John Wimber as well as the work of Steven and Percy and others. For more on this research see Ward

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